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Siebert: The Slavic and the American World

The Critical Theory of Society and the Manifesto for Global Peace Science:

The Slavic and the American World

 

By

 

Rudolf J Siebert


Critical theorists of the Frankfurt School, and connectedglobal peace-and conflict-resolution scientists and researchersremember, that o­nce the great classical and proletarian, dynamic idealists saw beyond the decline of old Europe in Russia and America the land of the future, in which the universal and the particular, the religious and the secular, the personal autonomy and universal, i.e. anamnestic, present, and proleptic solidarity, would be reconciled, and peace and harmony would be achieved (Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981; 1982; 1983; Hegel 1801[ 1896; 1949; 1952; 1954; 1961a-b; 1964; 1965; 1967; 1969; 1972; 1976; 1979; 1986a: 218; g: 465; l: 107-115, 413, 418, 422, 490-491, 500; 513; o: 352; t: 62; Taylor 1983: chaps.XIV; XV, XVI; XVII; XVIII;XIX; XX; Fechtheim 1971; Horkheimer 1987k: 13-79, 100-118; Ross 2014: 88-94; Lipset/Marks 2000). Europe was no longer to make wars, because history was moving beyond it into the American World and into the Slavic World - what today is called the Eurasian Union (Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981; 1982; 1983; Hegel 1986a: 218;b-g: 465; h-l: 107-115, 413, 418, 422, 490-491, 500; 513;m-o: 352; p- t: 62; Taylor 1983: chaps. XIV; XV, XVI; XVII; XVIII;XIX; XX; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Kluge2014: 78- 83;Lipset/ Marks 2000).In dialectical perspective, the American andthe Slavic World were in the process of concretely superseding, or determinately negating, i.e.not o­nly overcoming, but also preserving, and elevating, and fuilfilling the old European World (Hegel 1986a: 218;b-c; g: 465; h-j; l: 107-115, 413, 418, 422, 490-491, 500; 513;m-o: 352; p- t: 62; Taylor 1983: chaps. XIV; XV, XVI; XVII; XVIII;XIX; XX; Lipset/ Marks 2000 ).The wars, which Europe continued to make, nevertheless, throughout the 19th., 20th., and 21st., centuries o­nly brought the American and the Slavic World further to the front of the historical process(Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981; 1982; 1983; Hegel 1986a: 218; g: 465;l: 107-115, 413, 418, 422, 490-491, 500; 513; o: 352; t: 62; Taylor 1983: chaps.XIV; XV, XVI; XVII; XVIII;XIX; XX; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54; Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 60; Lipset/ Marks 2000). Adolf Hitler declared war against Russia and America( Hitler 1943;1986; Trevor-Roper1971; 2000; Kershaw 1999; 2000). Both together, the Slavic and the American World, defeated European fascism and militarism: Hubris was followed by Nemesis. Victorious Russian and American troops met in Berlin,- which had been planned to become Germania, the center of a thousand year totalitarian, authoritarian, fascist empire, which fortunately ended after 12 years, - and then drew the Red Line, orpulled the Iron Curtain, -a wordcoined by Dr.Goebbels, Hitler's Propaganda Minister, before Winston Churchill picked it up in the USA,- of the Cold War down through Thüringia, in the middle of Germany andof Central Europe (Hitler 1943;1986; Trevor/Roper (ed) 1979; 2000; Lipset/Marks 2000; Siebert 2010b).

But then followed the tragic Cold War between a nuclearized American and Slavic World (Horkheimer 1996s: 28 -31;Zinn 2003:chaps 14-25; Lipset/Marks 2000). The third youth movement to break out of - what Max Weber had called - the iron cage of capitalism, fought not o­nly for new love, new religion, new politics, but also for the absolute prohibition and ban against all atomic weapons, in the name of world peace, and later against the Vietnam War, the peak of the Cold War: it could not speak about war without speaking about capitalism, what President Eisenhower named the Military-Industrial-Congressional Complex( Weber 1952; 1962; 1963; 1969; 1978; 1991; 1992; 2002a-b; 2005; Habermas1962; 1969; 1970; 1971; 1973; 1975; 1976; 1986; Fromm 1956; 1962; 1963; 1966b; 1967; 1959; 1968; 1970a-c; 1972a-b; 1973; 1974; 1975; 1978; Marcuse 1956; 1960; 1961; 1962; 1965; 1967; 1969a-b; 1970a-b; Habermas/ Bovenschen 1981; Habermas/ Henrich 1974; Hacker 2013; Lipset/ Marks 2000). The permanent World Peace Committee in Stockholm declared, that every government, which would use first the atomic weapons against any other country, would be declared to be a war criminal (Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 60).

Then under the Leninist Mikhail Gorbatchev's Perestroika,andhis new thinking for Russia and the world, the neo-liberal, or neo-conservative,counter-revolution succeeded toward the end of the 1980ties ( Horkheimer 1970a-d; 1987k: 171-188;1996s: 28-31; Ulyanov 1917; Gorbachev 1987; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43). This was supposedly an age of progressive change: and Gorbachev had made himself its angel and its instrument. There was not a new socialism, but rather a neo-liberalism. The Berlin Wall fell. Now, at the beginning of the 21st century, the old aggressive geopolitics seems to return. Long forgotten discourses about annexation, fascism, militarism, nationalism, and propaganda have entered again the public sphere. That constitutes the East-West crisis of the present historical moment: the so called aggressive transformation of the international order( Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 60; Lipset/Marks 2000). However, to be sure, the decline,and the liquidation, andthe abolition of the Diamat in the former Soviet Union, in the late 1980s and early 1990ties, and the firing of all Marxist-Leninist teachers, did not mean the end of Marx'shistorical materialism, orof the possbility of a humanistic socialism, or socialistic humanism, or the amnesia concerning the great, heroic, and victorious war against the armies of European fascism: Stalingrad, Kursk, and Berlin( Marx 1871; 1906; 1951;1953; 1956; 1961a-c; 1963; 1964; 1974; 1977; Marx/Engels 1953a-c; 1955;1960; 2005; Marcuse 1956; 1960; 1961; 1962; 1965; 1967; 1969a-b; 1970a-b; 1973; 1975; 1979; 1980a-b; 1984; 1987; 1995; 2001; 2005; Fromm 1930a; 1959; 1962; 1966b; 1967; 1970b-c; 1976; 1980a-b; 1981; 1990a-b; 1992a-b; 1995; 1997; 2001; 2010; Fromm.(ed).1966c; Habermas 1962; 1969; 1970; 1971; 1973; 1975; 1976; 1977;a-b.; Hitler 1943;1986; Trevor-Roper1971; 2000; Kershaw 1999; 2000; Fest/ Eichinger 2002; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 -60; Lipset/ Marks 2000). During the global catastrophe of high finance in 2008, German Ministers of State went to the library in Berlin, in order to study Marx' s crisis theory again (Marx 1871; 1906; 1951;1953; 1956; 1961a-c; 1963; 1964; 1974; 1977; Marx/ Engels 1953a-c; 1955;1960; 2005).

Since 40 years, I and other critical theorists, and scholars in peace studies have travelled, coming from post-war Central and Western Europe, from Frankfurt a.M., between the Slavic and the American World, in order to study their present situation and their history(Siebert 1966; 1978; 1977; 1983; 1985; 1993; 1994b; 1995; 2001; 2005a; b; 2007g; 2010a-d; Zinn 2003; Siebert/ Ott/ Byrd 2013). Our critical theory and peace study were critical precisely as refusal of a positivistic conception of scientific research, as the mere duplication of the real in thought, and based o­n a metaphysics of what is the case: It is as it is!( Hegel 1986 g;p; q; Adorno1932; 1938; 1951; 1952; 1960; 1962; 1963a-b; 1966; 1969a-d; 1970a-b;1997a-t). Our critical theory and peace research contained older forms of liberalism, which had emphasized the inherent values of tolerance, and the connection between toleration and intellectual deviancy, and the success in the pursuit of genuine understanding of the world. With the o­nset of the Cold War in the late 1940s, even paying lip-service to these liberal ideas came to be thought of as being an expensive luxury, that could no longer be afforded. We remained, nevertheless, faithful to these liberal ideas, and we continue to do so today, despite, and even precisely because, of the new crisis looming between the American and the Slavic World (Lipset/Marks 2000; Siebert1965; 1966; 1976; 1977; 1978; 1979a-e; 1980; 1983; 1985; 2010a-f; 2011; 2012a-e; 2013a-c; 2014a-c).

We remembered the great sufferings in the Slavic World: the invasions of Crusaders up to the City Republic of Novgorod; of Napoleon with 800 000 Western and Middle Europeans; of Hitler with his project Barbarossa, including 4 million Western Europeans, killing 27 million Russians and 6 million Jews( Hitler 1943; 1986; Trevor-Roper1971; 2000; Kershaw 1999; 2000; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 -60). We understood, why many Russians thought, that the third, neo-liberal counter-revolution of 1989, after the liberal o­ne of the 1920s, and the fascist o­ne of the 1940s, and after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century, and why they worried about the Euromaidan in Kiev, and the appearance and the combination of neo-liberal and Neo-Nazi groups in the Ukraine - the Aidar Battallion, the Patriot of Ukraine, the Right Sector, etc., employing ISIS -like methods, and the burning down of a new synagogue in Kiev, which had just been built in remembranceof the over 30 000 Jews, who had been killed in and around this old city o­nly a few decades earlier by the SS, and in general about the new Eastward trend of the European Union and the NATO (Hitler 1943; 1986; Trevor-Roper1971; 2000; Kershaw 1999; 2000; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43). The West reacted to the breakdown of the Sovjet Union o­nly with bourgeois, neo-liberal ideology, rather than with real help. The newly introduced capitalism led to the impoverishment of large parts of the population (Klein 2007; Hinkelammert 1985; Picketty 2013; 2014; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43). The unregulated privatization brought about the formation of a capitalistic oligarchy. There, indeed, existed a conscious strategy of the Neo-Conservatives in the USA, to weaken the new Russian state. The nationalism in the USA, Clinton's Necessary Nation, and Obama's American Exceptionalism, were in Russia experienced and rejected as aggressive, and not like in Germany and Europe as an imperial protective screen, or iron shield( Clinton 2004 ; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Lipset/Marks 2000). At present, the USA invests 600 billion dollars for military purposes; the European Union 254 billion; Russia 68 billion( Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 -60). The European Union has 1 559 000 soldiers; the USA 1 492 000; Russia 845 000. Unfortunately, this Western military superiority may be rather an incentive for Russia, to increase its military expenditure. Of course, the Slavic, European, and American World together own about 77 000 atomic weapons( Broad 2014: 14-16 ; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54; Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58-60). We remembered the sufferings not o­nly in the Slavic World, but also in the American World: the annihilation of the Native Americans; the enslavement of the African Americans; the colonization of the Catholic South by the Protestant North; the unending labor struggles; the exclusion of a labor party; the assasinations of liberal leaders; the wars; the terrorism; the corruption; the Pentagon Papers;the depressions; etc. ( Zinn2003). No matter, how rich the American civil society became, it could never resolve its poverty problem: the abominable, murderousslums in every city and in the countryside remained unremovable, and the victims werealways blamed (Meissner,(ed),1966; Zinn2003; Hinkelammert 1985; Picketti 2013; 2014; Klein 2007; Lipset/Marks 2000;). The sad discrepancy between theory and praxis continues unfortunately in the American as well as in the Slavic World.

But we were also, and even more so, interested in the enormous evolutionary potential of the American and the Slavic World, which had catapulted them to the front of the world-historical process in the 20th century( Zinn2003). Out of our Center for Humanistic Future Studies, including peace- and environmental research, at Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan, USA, we founded the international course, entitled The Future of Religion, in the IUC, Dubrovnik, Croatia, which has now lasted almost 40 years, as well as the international course named Religion in Civil Society, in Yalta, Crimea, which has now lasted almost 13 years, in order to promote peace between the American and the Slavic World (Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 60 Siebert 1966; 1978; 1977; 1979a-e; 1983; 1985;1987a-d; 1993; 1994b; 1995; 2001; 2005a; b; 2007g; 2010a-d; Lipset/Marks 2000; Siebert/ Ott/ Byrd 2013). We saw in the rising American and Slavic World an important stage in the long and difficult march of humanity from animality to freedom and peace( Hegel 1986g: 122-126; Marx 1871; 1906; 1951; 1953; 1956; 1961a-c; 1963; 1964;1974; 1977; Marx/Engels 1953a-c; 1955; 1960; 2005). In both courses large numbers of scholars met through the years from the American and the Slavic World, as well as from Western and iddle Europe,the Near East, Asia and Africa. We worked o­n the assumption, that there could be no peace among the nations, without peace among the world-religions, e.g. the Old Church Hellenistic Paradigm of Christianity as the Religion of Freedom, and the Islamic Religion of Law in the Slavic World, and the Medieval Roman Catholic Paradigm of Christianity and the Reformatory Protestant Paradigm in the American World; no peace among the religions without discourse among them; no discourse among the religions without foundation-research in the religions( Küng1965; 1970; 1972; 1974; 1978; 1990b; 1991b; 1994a-b;2004; 2012; Küng/ Homolka 2009; Metz 1962; 1965; 1973;a-c; 1977; 1980;Metz/ Wiesel 1993;Siebert 1966; 1978; 1977; 1983; 1985; 1993; 1994b; 1995; 2001; 2005a; b; 2007g; 2010a-d; Siebert/ Ott/ Byrd 2013). The Roman Catholic Church certainly followed the stream of history, whenin recent decades it chose o­ne Pope from the Slavic World - John Paul II - and o­ne from the American World - Francis I ( Küng 1970; 1972; 1974; 1976; 1978; 1984; 1987; 1989; 1990a-b; 1991a-b; 1994a-b; 2003; 2009; 2011; Küng/Kuschel 1993;1994; Kuschel1990; Kuschel/ Schlensog 2008; Metz1959; 1962; 1963; 1965; 1967; 1969; 1970; 1977a-b; 1973a-c; 1975;a-b; 1977; 1978; 1980; 1981; 1984; 1985; 1986; 1987; 1995; 1997; 1998; Metz/ Habermas/ Sölle et. al. 1994; Metz/ Peters 1991; Metz/ Rendtorf, (ed).1971; Metz/ Wiesel 1993). The new American Pope, a Jesuit,took, nevertheless for his patron Francis of Assissi, the greatest Christian saint, who travelled to the Near Eastto meet Sultan Malek al-Kamil in 1219 (Celano 1955; Warren/ Hart2012). This journey became a historic symbol for peace as Frencis crossed the battle lines of the Crusades, and reached out to the enemy, as demanded by the Sermon o­n theMount:

You have learned how it was said: You must love your neighbour and hate your enemy.But I say this to you: love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you; in this way you will be sons of your Father in heaven, for he causes his sun to rise o­n bad men as well as good, and his rain to fall o­n honest and dishonest men alike......You must therefore be perfect just as your heavenly Father is perfect.

 

( Leviticus19:18; Matthew 5: 43-48; Luke 6; Celano 1955; Warren/ Hart 2012).These counter-cujtural efforts of Francis, a simple friar, and the Sultan, the leader of the Muslim forces of the Levant, made these men most unusual in their time. Through them modern people in the European, American, and Slavic World can see an example, that speaks to them today, as they work to achive understanding among peoples of different backgrounds, faith traditions, cultures, andethnicities. The new AmericanPope examines contemporary issues of inter-religious and inter-continental understanding in the timeless Franciscan tradition of tolerance, peacemaking, and social justice. Even secular critical theorists and conflict - resolution scholars can still walk in the foot prints of Francis and the Sultan as model for peacemaking (Leviticus19:18; Matthew 5: 43-48; Luke 6; Celano 1955; Warren/ Hart 2012; Horkheimer 1936; 1970a-d; 1985g: 17; 29; 37; 40; Siebert 2-10b).

We built ourcritical theory of religion, or dialectical religiology,derived from the critical theory of society, andour praxis, instead of o­n the Lex, or Jus,Talionis, o­n the Golden Rule,-

So always treat others as you would like them to treat you; that is the meaning of the Lawand the Prophets

 

- which is present in all world-religions, and o­n its translation, sublation, rationalization, and secularization into the Kantian Categorical Imperative, and into the Apelian and Habermasianapriority of the Unlimited or Universal Communication Community: religious neighborly love into secular solidarity, relgious communty into the always more perfect union(Matthew 7: 12; Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981; 1982; 1983; Hegel 1986 g; l; p; q; Apel 1975; 1976a-b; 1982; 1990; Küng 1970;1974; 1978; 1984; 1990a-b; 1991a-b; 1994a-b; 2004; 2012; Küng/ Homolka 2009; Küng/Kuschel1993a-b Kuschel/ Schlensog 2008; Metz 1962; 1965; 1973a-c; 1977; 1980; 1995; Metz/Wiesel 1993; Metz/ Habermas/ Sölle et.al. 1994; Habermas 1962; 1969; 1969 1970; 1976; 1978c;1981 c; 1982a; 1983; 1986; 1987b; 1988a; 1991b; 1992a; Zinn 2003; Lipset/ Marks 2000; Siebert1965; 1994c; 1995; 2001; 2002a; 2004b; 2005c; d;2006a;d; 2007a; c; d; 2010a; b). We hoped, that the Slavic and the American World would treat each other as they wanted to be treated. The Monroe Doctrine was to be valid not o­nly for the American World, but also for the Slavic World( Zinn 2003).We found much solidarity in the Slavic World, and much personal autonomy in the American World. We promoted solidarity in the American World and personal autonomy in the Slavic World. We aimed in theory and praxis at the reconciliation of the antagonism betweenthe religious and the secular, as well as of the discrepancy beween personal autonomy and universal solidarity in the American and in the Slavic World, which had never been accomplished before in world-history, and was as such indeed u-topian, ouk topos, without place o­n any continent( Hegel 1986 g; l; p; q; Küng 1978; 1990b; Siebert. 2001; 2002a; 2010b). Both Worlds could compete peacefully, to reach and achieve such reconciliation(Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1966; 1971; Lipset/Marks 2000; Küng.1965; 1970; 1972; 1974; 1978; 1980; 1981a-b; 1984; 1990a-b; 1991a-b; 1992; 1993 a-b; 1998; 1994a-b; 2004; 2009; 2011; 2012; Küng/ Ess/Stietencron/ Becheet 1984; Küng/ Homolka 2009; Küng/ Kuschel 1993a-b; Kuschel 1990; Kuschel/ Schlensog 2008). We stressed common interests and cooperation between the Slavic and the American World, e.g. the common defense against global terrorism, or the healing of dangerous diseases, like Ebola, or different forms of cancer, etc.. The American and theSlavic World can learn from the European World as well as from each other, how to defend the modern enlightenment, which they all share. o­nly veryrecenly Vladimir Putin stated before the Duma with great applause:

...We will not tolerate disrespect of our Russian culture.We better learn from the suicides of America, England, Holland and France, if we are to survive as a nation.

The Muslims are taking those countries, but they will not take Russia. Russian taditions are not compatible with theculture or primitive ways of Sharia Law and Muslims.....

 

(Hili 2014). Since all world religions, cultures, traditions, and nations share the Golden Rule in commonin o­ne form or the other, they are indeed expected to recognize and respect each other, as theythemselves want to be recognized and respected (Hili 2014; Küng1970; 1972; 1978; 1984; 1990a-b; 1991a-b; 1994a-b; 1998; 2004' 2011; 2012; Küng/ Ess/ Stietencron/ Bechert 1984; Siebert 2014 a-c; Siebert/ Ott/ Byrd 2014).

We were fully aware, that conflict between the Slavic and the American World could mean the final catastrophe, Shoah, Holocaust, not o­nly for both of them, but even for the human species as a whole, but that their creative, peaceful coexistence and cooperation could mean a great blessing not o­nly for both of them, but also for all of humanity ( Genesis 1-3; Exodus 20; Matthew 5-7; Matthew 7: 12;Revelation 21-22; Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981; 1982; 1983; Hegel 1801; 1896; 1949; 1952; 1954; 1961a-b; 1964; 1965; 1967; 1969; 1972; 1976; 1979; 1986a: 218; g: 465; l: 107-115, 413, 418, 422, 490-491, 500; 513; o: 352; t: 62; Taylor 1983: chaps.XIV; XV, XVI; XVII; XVIII;XIX; XX; Horkheimer 1987k: 13-79, 100-118; Bloch 1960; 1970a-b; 1975a-c; 1979; 1985a-c; 2000; 2009; Bloch/ Reif 1878; Apel 1975; 1976a-b; 1982; 1990; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 -60; Küng 1970;1974; 1978; 1984; 1990a-b; 1991a-b; 1994a-b; 2004; 2012; Küng 1970;1974; 1978; 1984; 1990a-b; 1991a-b; 1994a-b; 2004; 2012; Metz 1962; 1965; 1973a-c; 1977; 1980; 1995; Siebert 1966; 1978; 1977; 1979a-e; 1983; 1985;1987a-d; 1993; 1994b; 1995; 2001; 2005a; b; 2007g; 2010a-d; Siebert/ Ott/ Byrd 2013).

Today we are continuing our peace work in Dubrovnik as well as in Yalta, despite of the present most regrettable tensions between the American and Slavic World, because of the Referendum o­n the Crimea, and thecivil war in the Ukraine, and the shooting down of the MH 17 o­n July 17, 2014 (Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58-60). We consider to be ahistorical, and naïve, and even dangerous the attempt of the European World, to integrate Russia, like the Baltic States, or Poland, or Bulgaria, or Rumania, or the Ukraine, be it like in the 1940s and 1950s through military action like Barbarossa, or peacefully through the Marshall Plan, or today through sanctions, since the Slavic as well as the American World are themselves autonomous systems and centers of integration, moving historically beyond Europe already since the 19th century. The Slavic World can as little be integrated into Europe as the American World:

No o­ne puts a peace of unshrunken cloth o­n to an old cloak, because the patch pulls away from the cloak and the tear gets worse.Nor do people put new wine into old winskins;if they do, the skins burst, the wine runs out, and the skins are lost. No; they put new wine into fresh skins and both are preserved.

 

( Matthew 9 : 16-17). The Slavic World goes its own way and rightly so; and so does the American World. That was not foreseen sufficiently at the end of the Cold War, in the new paradigm of the Pan-European integration, as it was expressed in the Charta of Paris and in Gorbachev's concept of the Common European House( Gorbachev 1987; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43 Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 -60). Already the free trade zone from Lisbon to Vladivostok, proposed by Vladimir Putin in November 2010, was not a step toward the integration of Russia into the European structure, but rather a roof organization, in order to embed what it had already started: the building of its own regional integration project of the Eurasian Customs Union, and a Slavic World with its own norm- and value- system, turned against a European World, which had become decadent, and wasin the process of decline, while the Slavic World was o­n the rise as a guardian of traditional and conservative values: e.g. of heterosexual marriage and family against homosexual and lesbian marriages (Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43). Europe must give up the illusion of a common value and interest basis: the Slavic World is not a strategic partner, but an autonomous power-political actor. A selective, pragmatic cooperation is possible. Europe must accept, that the Slavic World is other, and that its otherness must no longer be criticized away(Horkheimer1996s: 28-31, 32-74; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43).

At present, Russia's constructive partnership is neededby the world society not o­nly in the Ukraine, but also in such politically explosive devices as the De Facto States Transnistrian, Nagorno-Karabach, South-Ossetian and Abchasian, the Republics of Lugansk and Donetsk in the Eastern Ukraine standing in foreground(Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43). The West has the suspicion, that it is the political goal of the separatist soldiers in the Eastern Ukraine, to establish and erect a Nowaja Russija in the area of Lughansk and Donetsk in the East, Odessa in the South, and Transnistrian, which belongs to Moldau, in the South-West. Russia's positive influence is likewise needed in international conflicts: in Syria, Iraq, Iran, the Near East. The Slavic and the American World, insofar as they see themselves as world powers, must also take responsibility in the case of global challenges: climate change, water distribution, the securing of the food- stuff and industry, energy supply, as well as defense against epidemics. Humanity cannot survive without the leadership of the Slavic and the American World.

Both, the American and the Slavic world, are formally democratic in the sense, that while the USA is dominated by two bourgeois, liberal parties, a Roosevelt-Liberal,- New Deal, - Democratic Partyon the Left, and a Neo-Liberal Republican Party o­n the Right, which both do not allow any third party to come up already by mere financial means: e.g. a labor party(Zinn 2003; Lipset/Marks 2000). Russia has since 2012, 76 registered parties, and is dominated by communistic and nationalistic parties(Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Stark2001; 2007). Despite of secular states in the American and the Slavic World, the synagogues, churches, and mosques are, nevertheless, important political actors in the public sphere. The Orthodox Church has formulated the most important values of Russia's recent conservative turn: the return of religion!? (Clergymen work as advisors in the committees of the Duma. 86% of the Russians support the policies of the Putin Government: indeed a high popularity rate, in comparison of what the Obama Adminsitration can muster at this time - October 2014. Regime-critical opinion has a right to exist, and is practiced in Russia as well as in the USA.

We saw and supported a global movement from unilateralism to a multipolar world(Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58-60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43). Treaties and autonomous power justification took place in the Slavic and in the American World. Two superpowersdeveloped in the new multipolar world. The American and the Slavic World developed hegemony in their own regions. It was extremely unrealistic o­n the part of the European and American World, to believe that the Slavic World would, or could, accept without a great Pan-Slavic reaction a West-orientation in the Ukraine. However, a repetition of the Russian crisis politics a la East Ukraine, after the Euromaidan and the regime change in Kiev, and after the still unresolved tragedy of the Boeing 777 - death flight, is nowhere recognizable. Russia saw the European Union Association Offer asa geopolitical attack against Russian interests, in the sense of a liquidation of the separation line between Russia and the Ukraine. Encirclement of the rising Russia was feared. Those people in the West, who assert such repetition of the Russian crisis politics anywhere else, o­nly serve their own interest: not at last a Western rearmament.

According to the critical theory of society and the global peace science, the maintenance and the preservation of peace is the most urgent concern, matter, and wish of all human beings o­n this globe today(Horkheimer 1996s: 28-31, 32- 74; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43. It is self-evident, that the accumulation of 77000 atomic weapons present in the Slavic and in the American World, not to speak of Europe, Israel, Pakistan, India, China, and South Africa, can bring about the ultimate catastrophe for all human beings (Horkheimer 1996s: 28- 31, 32- 74; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003). But in the past at least, it has been the expression of the confused, entangled, and delusional world-historical situation, that it has threatened to pervert the truth about this condition into the lie, as it takes this truth into the service of the lie, namely as ideology, understood critically as false consciousness, and as masking of racial, national, and class interests. This world-historical situation has more or less been latently drifting toward not o­nly post-modern alternative Future I - the totally administered, bureaucratized, computerized, robotized signal society of overcrowded skyscrapers and nine-lane highways, but also toward post-modern alternative Future II - always new conventional and civil wars, preparing the way to the absolute horror of ABC wars between civilizations, based o­n antagonistic economic, political, religious, or philosophical presuppositions, and always further away from post-modern alternative Future III a reconciled, harmonious, peace society(Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32- 74; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Gumnior/ Ringguth 1973: 91-132; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Lipset/Marks 2000;).

It has happened often in the past, that peace summons, and calls, and the outlawing and banning of weapons of mass destruction, became a piece of national, or block propaganda, which aimed at the abuse and misuse of religious, or humanistic emotions, feelings, and impulses in the masses of people everywhere, in order thus to break the resistance against power and force, and which may start from states interested in war (Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32- 74; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Gumnior/ Ringguth 1973; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003). The longing for peace, which the people of all countries share, is used to gain time for the arrival of alternative Future I - new totalitarian and authoritarian undertakings and enterprises.What harm such false propaganda has done to the notion of peace, has been symptomatic for the changes, to which the conception of politics has been subject in general in the 20th and 21st centuries. o­nce upon a time, politics meant the conscious, independent, and critical effort, through thoughts and deeds, theory and praxis, to bring about instead of bad social conditions, those, which were more human andhumane. In the 20th and the 21st centuries, politics and policies have often become to a large extend mere façades. Politics meant no longer the realization of humanity, butrather power struggles inside and between states, and more recently between states and international religious movements, which use, lacking air forces and drones, other terroristic tactics and strategies, inluding decapitation of innocent prisoners. Politics turned into war with other means. Politics became nothing else than the identification of the enemy, as Adolf Hitler's jurist and political theologian, Carl Schmitt, put it most clearly(Groh1998). Fascism is the wrong answer to the chronical crisis of capitalism, and therefore liberalism from the American World, and socialismfrom the Slavic World fought against it rightly in the past, and must continue to do so in the future ( Neumann 1942; Neumann/ Marcuse/ Kircheimer 2013:ix-xiii,xxi- xxiv, 1-23; Adorno/ Kogon 1958a-b; Kogon 1965; 1967; 1995; 2002; 2003a-b Lipset/Marks 2000).

Unfortunately, in the American World of the early 21st century a politics came about of myopic intellectual conformism and stagnation: a politics of lazy indifference to, and incuriosity about other people and societies, except as potential objects of exploitation, or manipulation, or control, or regime change; a politics of massive governmental deceit; a politics of policy making by knee-jerk reaction; and a politics of sound bite and television spots as the basic units of public discourse(Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Kinzer 2006; Scahill 2007; Bacevich 2009; Trento 2001; Buchanan 2006; Nelson-Pallmeyer 2003; Hedges2003;2006; Hedges/ Al-Arian 2008; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43 ;Lipset/ Marks 2000;). Often in the past 100 years, since the beginning of World War I in August 1914, precisely those people, who had trumpeted out most loudly the goals of humanity, were the same, who took humanity under control, and drove out of people the spirit of critique and freedom, which alone would be able to achieve more humane economic and social conditions (Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Lipset/Marks 2000;). There was not o­nly the dialectic between the sacred and the profane, but also the dialectic in the enlightenment, and the dialetic in religion ( Siebert 2010b). Enlightenment as the attempt to free people from their fears, and to make them into masters of their fate, turned over into more fear and dependence; as the attempt to make conscious what was unconscious, lead to more mass stupidity; as the attempt to post Ego where Id was, brought about more irrationality( Marx 1871; 1906; 1951; 1953; 1961a-c; 1963; 1964; 1974; 1977; Marx/ Engels1953a-b; 1955; 1960; 2005; Freud 1936; 1939; 1946; 1955; 1962a-b; 1964; 1969; 1977; 1978; 1989; 1992; 1993; 1995a-b; Fromm 1930a; 1959; 1962; 1966b; 1967; 1970b;c; 1976; 2001; 2010; Fromm.(ed). 1966c.; Horkheimer/Adorno2002; Friedeburg/ Habermas 1983; Lipset/Marks 2000). It happened the dialectic of enlightenment: more rationalization produced more irrationality, more integration lead to more desintegration (Horkheimer/Adorno2002) There happened also a dialectic in religion: the religion of love was used for new crusades; the religion of truth served as ideology for capitalistic oligarchs(Fromm 1930a; 1959; 1962; 1966b; 1967; 1970b;c; 1976; 2001; 2010; Fromm.(ed). 1966c. Horkheimer/Adorno2002; Friedeburg/ Habermas 1983; Siebert 2010b). Whoever naively called in the traditional language of pacifism for the outlawing or banning of war, excluded thereby very often the army and the well decorated generals of the state, of which he or she was a member (Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74). Fritz Haber and Albert Einstein were pacifists, until their own state was involved in war, when they volunteered to deliver to it the most horrible weapons of mass destruction: gas and atomic bomb( Siebert 2010b). Often people, who painted and described the horror of ABC wars, at the same time covered up the social injustice of the race- and class- system and struggle at home, as well as the repression of critical intellectuals, and theconsequent official barbarism of mass culture, poduced by the culture industry(Adorno1932; 1938; 1951; 1952; 1960; 1962; 1963a-b; 1966; 1969a-c; 1970a-e; 1976; 1979; 1980a-b; 1991a-b; Horkheimer/Adorno2002; Friedeburg/ Habermas 1983; Lipset/ Marks 2000;Siebert 2010b). In a world, in which thoughts are more than ever before entangled in means-purpose and control-connections, rooted in the human potential of work and tool, and instrumental and functional rationality without meaning, it is not enough to talk about peace (Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981;1982; 1983; Hegel 1801; 1896; 1949; 1952; 1954; 1961a-b; 1964; 1965; 1967; 1969; 1972; 1976; 1979;Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1987k:13- 79, 100-118; 171-188, 202--208, 221- 232; 1991f: 21-188;1996s: 28- 31, 32-74;Habermas 1962; 1969; 1970; 1971; 1973; 1975; 1876; 1977; 1978 a-d; 1979a-b; 1981a-c; 1982a-b; 1983; 1984;a-b; 1985a-b; 1986; 1987a-d; 198a-b; Siebert 2010b). The critical theorist and peace scientist must also ask, who speaks about peace, and o­n whose order and commission, and o­n whose behalf, and in which function: cui bonum?

We critical theorists and peace study scholars have always tried in the American World, the European World, and the Slavic World, as far as our energies reached, in our theoretical and practical work, to maintain for us the spirit of critical independence (Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Siebert 2010b). In this critical spirit alone we saw and found the hope to avert, and to turn away, the misfortune of post-modern Future I, and particularly of post-modern Future II, and to achieve post-modern Future III(Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32- 74; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann 2003; Gumnior/ Ringguth 1973: 91-132; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54; Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43). Such spirit of critique cannot stop short off the American or the Slavic World, which indeed o­nce, be it through Woodrow Wilson or Lenin, incorporated this hope for the end of all wars, and which they must never degrade into a mere hollow phrase, or about which they must never churn out o­ne cliché after another, as Central and Western Europe has done long enough( Wilson 2011;Ulyanov 1917; Horkheimer1987k:13-79;100-118; 171-188; 202-208; 221-232;Zinn 2003; Lipset/Marks 2000;). Precisely those people, who remain faithful to this hope, step into necessary opposition to all forms of imperialism, nationalism, militarism, and fascism (Ulyanov 1917; Neumann 1942; Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Kinzer 2006; Scahill 2007; Bacevich 2009; Trento 2001; Buchanan 2006; Nelson-Pallmeyer2003; Hedges2003;2006; Hedges/ Al-Arian 2008; Bacevich 2009; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Siebert 2010b). The critical thinking, to which the critical theorists and peace scientists and researcherstry to hold o­n to, has its own essence in that it does not devote itself to any authority, but that it preserves for itself the element of living experience and critical freedom also in relation to the most powerful thoughts. Precisely, therefore, we travelled for decades in both, the American and the Slavic World, as well as in Europe. No thought is immune, to turn over into illusion, or delusion, or madness, or insanity, as it happened massively in European fascism o­nly 80 years ago, when it is broken out of that living experience, and is installed as idol (Genesis 1-3; Exodus 20; John 1; Hegel 1986a;g;l;p;q; Hitler 1943;1986; Trevor-Roper1971; 2000; Kershaw 1999; 2000; Horkheimer 1988d: chaps. 1; 2; 3; 5; 6; 8; 9; 11; 12; 17; Horkheimer/Adorno 1951; 1969a-b; 1972a-b; 1984; 2002; Horkheimer/ Fromm/ Marcuse1936; Fromm 1922a; 1927a; 1930a;b; 1931a-b; 1932a-c; 1933; 1934; 1935; 1936; 1937; 1939; 1950; 1956; 1957a-b; 1959; 1961; 1962; 1963; 1964; 1966a-b; 1967; 1968; 1970a-c; 1972a-b; 1973; 1974; 1975; 1976; 1980a-b; 1981; 1989; 1990a-b; 1992a-b; 1995; 1997; 1999; 2001; 2010;Fromm/ Suzuki/Martino 1960; Fromm/Xirau 1979;Fromm (ed) 1966c; Lundgren 1998; Friedeburg/ Habermas 1983). Such idolatry happened to Marxism in the Slacic World and to Smith's teaching in the American World. The critical theory of society, whichreconciles Moses and Kant, religion and enlightenment, is essentially idology: i.e. the continual struggle against all forms of idolatry (Genesis 1-3; Exodus 20; Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981;1982; 1983; Hegel 1801; 1896; 1949; 1952; 1954; 1961a-b; 1964; 1965; 1967; 1969; 1972; 1976; 1979;Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1987k:13- 79, 100-118; 171-188, 202--208, 221- 232; 1991f: 21-188;1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Horkheimer 1988d: chaps. 1; 2; 3; 5; 6; 8; 9; 11; 12; 17; Horkheimer/ Adorno 1951; 1969a-b; 1972a-b; 1984; 2002; Horkheimer/ Fromm/ Marcuse1936; Fromm 1922a; 1927a; 1930a;b; 1931a-b; 1932a-c; 1933; 1934; 1935; 1936; 1937; 1939; 1950; 1956; 1957a-b; 1959; 1961; 1962; 1963; 1964; 1966a-b; 1967; 1968; 1970a-c; 1972a-b; 1973; 1974; 1975; 1976; 1980a-b; 1981; 1989; 1990a-b; 1992a-b; 1995; 1997; 1999; 2001; 2010; Fromm/ Suzuki/Martino 1960; Fromm/ Xirau 1979;Fromm (ed) 1966c; Lundgren 1998; Friedeburg/Habermas 1983;Habermas 1962; 1969; 1970; 1971; 1973; 1975; 1876; 1977; 1978 a-d; 1979a-b; 1981a-c; 1982a-b; 1983; 1984;a-b; 1985a-b; 1986; 1987a-d; 198a-b; Siebert 2010b). The Marxist thought and conception was turned into an idol under Stalin ( Marx 1871; 1906; 1951; 1953; 1956; 1961a-b;c; 1963; 1964; 1974; 1977; Marx/Engels 1953a-c; 1955; 1960; 2005; Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74). In the perspective of the critical theory, in the Slavic World the meaning of each sentence of dialectical materialism was the more thoroughly turned into its opposite, the more rigidly it was repeated in parrot fashion. The same what happened with Karl Marx in the Slavic World, occurred with Adam Smith in the American World, where Americans read o­nly his book o­n the Wealth of Nations, but not his earlier book o­nThe Theory of Moral Sentiments( Marx1871; 1906; 1951; 1953; 1956; 1961a-c; 1963; 1964; 1974; 1977; Marx/ Engels1953a-c; 1955; 1960; 2005; Smith 1759; 1776; Lipset/ Marks 2000). o­nly recently, the Chinese suggested rightly to the Americans, who have borrowed billions of dollars from them, in order to deal with the catastrophe of the financial markets of 2008, which resulted from the Reagan Administration's neo-liberal turn from Keynesianism to the Friedmann School inChicago, and the consequentderegulation and privatization, not o­nly to read Smith's Wealth of Nations, in order to get alwaysricher, but also his The Theory of Moral Sentiments, in order to be able to controll their unlimitedgreed. Inthe case, out of Marx, or Smith, a positive system, or a world formula, is made, then an unspeakable impoverishment of all knowledge, and all praxis, comes about: finally a deception and illusion of reality - a deadly untruth (Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1988d: chaps 1; 2; 3l 5; 6; 7; 8;11; 17; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Adorno 1932; 1938; 1951; 1952; 1960; 1962; 1963a-b;1966; 1969a-c; 1970a-c; 1973a-b; 1973c-e; 1974; 1976; 1979; 1980a-b; 1981; 1991a-b; 1993a-c; 1994; 1995a-b; 1996; 1997;a-t-1;t-2;1998; a-d; 2000a-c; 2001a-c; 2002a-d; 2003a-d; Adrno/ Frankl-Brunswick/ Levison/ Sanfeld 1950/1969; Adorno et. al. 2007; Adorno/ Benjamin 1994; Adorno/Dirks (eds) 1974; Adorno /Kereenyi 1998; Adorno/ Kogon 1958;a-b; Adorno/ Mann 2003; Adorno/Sohn-Rethel 1991; Adorno/ Kracauee 2008; Adorno/ Tobisch 2003; Kogon165; 1967; 1995; 2002; 2003a-b; Hinkelammert 1985; Klein 2007; Piketty 2014; Bacevich 2009; Scahill 2007; Trento 2001; Hedges 2002; 2006; Kinzler 2006; Hedges/Al-Arian 2008;Nelson-Pallmeyer 2003; Lipset/ Marks 2000). The cultural formation and education of humanityconsists neither out ofSmith alone nor out of Marx alone, nor is either of them the whole truth (Marx1871; 1906; 1951; 1953; 1956; 1961a-c; 1963; 1964; 1974; 1977; Marx/Engels1953a-c; 1955; 1960; 2005; Smith 1759; 1776; Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1988d: chaps 1; 2; 3l 5; 6; 7; 8;11; 17; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Lipset/Marks 2000). If people arereally serious about the truth in the cultural formation and education, then they will not allow Smith, or Marx, to spoil their chances to reach the imperturbable knowledge. It has become obvious again and again, that precisely those people, who have swallowed and guzzledmost fully from Smith or Marx, as if they had not been the inventor and the critic of the political economy, but rather the inventors of a world formula, showed themselves more ready to give in, as soon as they o­nce discovered, that the human existence did not exhaust itself in the Smithian or Marxian categories. Dogmatic rigidity, bad conscience, and the readiness to replace o­ne cliché through the next o­ne, behind which stands the sheer power, belong together. Also the split-off and powerless oppositional groups are often guilty of such dogmatic regidity, bad conscience, and unauthentic cliche-production,who admittedly tell the Eastern and Western powers uncomfortable truths enough, but who nevertheless talk the same way, and mean the same, as they do. In historical phases, like the present paradigmatic transition from Modernity to Post-Modernity, it seems that in the private existence, which does not intoxicate itself through collective images of power, more of the truth is preserved, than in the machinery of great national and international politics. Those people, who appeal to international solidarity in a world, in which cosmopolitism is often a term of abuse, make it into a pretext for national and international secret surveillance, and espionage, and agents of nationalism in countries, in which humanity can still breath: Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning, and Julian Assange the new heroes of a fourth youth movement, hungrynot o­nly for new love, religion, and politics, but also and particuoarly so for the transparency o­nce promised by the bourgeois, and socialist enlightenment and revolutions (Marx1871; 1906; 1951; 1953; 1956; 1961a-c; 1963; 1964; 1974; 1977; Marx/ Engels1953a-c; 1955; 1960; 2005; Smith 1759; 1776; Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1988d: chaps 1; 2; 3l 5; 6; 7; 8;11; 17; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Zizek 2003; 2007; 2009; 2012; 2013; 2014; Zizek/ Milbank 2008; Zizek/ Gunjevic 2012; Zizek/ Crockett/ David 2012; Lipset/ Marks 2000;Siebert 1965; 1966; 1976; 1977; 1978; 1979a-e; 1980; 1983; 1985; 1986; 2001; 2002a; 2010a-f; 2011; 2912 a-e; 2013a-c; 2014a-c; Siebert/ Ott/ Byrd 2013).At this moment of a new crisis between the American and the Slavic World, the critical theorists of society and the peace- and conflict- resolution- researchers see themselves prompted to the expressive explanation and declaration, that their work stands in sharpest contradiction to any aggressive political doctrine, which may come from the American, or the Slavic, or the European, or any other World (Horkheimer1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1988d: chaps 1; 2; 3l 5; 6; 7; 8;11; 17; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Zizek 2003; 2007; 2009; 2012; 2013; 2014; Zizek/ Milbank 2008; Zizek/ Gunjevic 2012; Zizek/ Crockett/ David 2012; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Lipset/Marks 2000; Siebert 1965; 1966; 1976; 1977; 1978; 1979a-e; 1980; 1983; 1985; 1986; 2001; 2002a; 2010a-f; 2011; 2912 a-e; 2013a-c; 2014a-c; Siebert/ Ott/ Byrd 2013). The potential of post-modern, alternative Future III - a society, in which theantagonism between the sacred and the profane,and between the personal autonomyand the universal solidarity, would be reconciled the first time in human evolution andhistory, is better preserved in that world, in which the status quo is allowed to be analyzed critically and without consideration, than in o­ne, in which the idea of a better society was ruined, in order to defend the bad status quo (Kant 1929; 1946; 1968; 1970; 1974a-b; 1975; 1981; 1982; 1983; Hegel 1801[ 1896; 1949; 1952; 1954; 1961a-b; 1964; 1965; 1967; 1969; 1972; 1976; 1979; 1986a: 218; g: 465; l: 107-115, 413, 418, 422, 490-491, 500; 513; o: 352; t: 62; Taylor 1983: chaps.XIV; XV, XVI; XVII; XVIII;XIX; XX; Horkheimer1970a-d;1987k: 13-79, 100-118; 1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1988d: chaps 1; 2; 3l 5; 6; 7; 8;11; 17; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963 1966; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann2003; Zizek 2003; 2007; 2009; 2012; 2013; 2014; Zizek/ Milbank 2008; Zizek/ Gunjevic 2012; Zizek/ Crockett/ David 2012; Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54; Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Lipset/Marks 2000; Siebert 1965; 1966; 1976; 1977; 1978; 1979a-e; 1980; 1983; 1985; 1986; 2001; 2002a; 2010a-f; 2011; 2912 a-e; 2013a-c; 2014a-c; Siebert/Ott/ Byrd 2013). That, precisely, is the presupposition of the existence and the work of the critical theorists of society and religion, and of the global peace scientists and researchers.

On all our peace-trips between East and West, the Slavic and the American World, through the European World, we listened to, and tried to follow the warning of theHindu Mahatma Gandhi, who was neverthelessoften more informed by theChristian Sermon o­n the Mount than many Christians, against the

Seven blunders of the world that lead to violence: wealth without work, pleasure without conscience, knowledge without character, commerce without morality, science without humanity, worship without sacrifice, politics without principle.

 

( Matthew 5-7; Luke 6; Siebert 2010b). We opted for responsibility - partnership - and cooperation - agreements between the Slavic and the American World (Münkler 2014:21-26; Thränert 2014: 27-29; Engartner/ Eberhardt 2014: 30-33; Engels 2014: 34-37; Ehricht/ Lippold: 2014: 38-40; Ulrich 2014: 41-43; Mützenich 2014: 44-46; Alberti 2014: 47-50; Kaltofen 2014: 51-54;Walther 2014:55-57; Schütte/ Islam 2014: 58 - 60; Krzeminski 2014: 20-22; Hett/ Traub-Merz 2014: 23-26; Erler 2014: 27-29; Fix 2014: 30-32; Michaleva 2914: 30-32; Michaleva 2014 2014: 33-36; Zöpel 37-40; Berwanger 2014: 41-43; Siebert 1965; 1966; 1976; 1977; 1978; 1979a-e; 1980; 1983; 1985; 1986; 2001; 2002a; 2010a-f; 2011; 2912 a-e; 2013a-c; 2014a-c; Siebert/Ott/ Byrd 2013). Mutual sanctions were no help. Natural gas treaties are more productive than sanctions for Russia, Ukraine, Germany, Europe and America. Incalculability and unpredictability were the greatest enemies of mutual trust, partnership, and cooperation. We worked for the de-escalation of aggressions, damage control and limitation, and the end to armed conflict, and most of all against any return of the tragic Cold War (Horkheimer1970a-d;1987k: 13-79, 100-118; 1970a-d; 1985g: chaps. 17; 29; 33; 34; 35; 36; 37; 40;1988d: chaps 1; 2; 3l 5; 6; 7; 8;11; 17; 1996s: 28- 31, 32-74; Flechtheim1959; 1962; 1963 1966; 1971; Flechtheim/ Lohmann2003; Zizek 2003; 2007; 2009; 2012; 2013; 2014; Zizek/ Milbank 2008; Zizek/ Gunjevic 2012; Zizek/ Crockett/ David 2012; Kluge2014: 78-83; Lipset/Marks 2000; Siebert 2010a-f; 2011; 2012a-e; 2013a-c; 2014a-c; Siebert/Ott/Byrd 2013).

 

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See for further information http://www.rudolfjsiebert.org/.

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Dear Leo:

I agree with you, that President Putin should be recognized as world harmony creator.

I have given my article to my friend Aleksandra in Simferopol/Pisa for translation into Russian. She is an excellent translator. I shall send the translation to you, as soon as it is finished. I shall gladly pay for it. Here is my answer to your three questions concerning my article: .....
Your Rudi
 
03/11/14

 



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